أمن الدولة تعرقل إجراءات الطعن بالنقض في قضية كريم عامر

15 Feb 2009, written by

أمن الدولة تعرقل إجراءات الطعن بالنقض في قضية كريم عامر
وغدا جلسة وقف تنفيذ الحكم لحين النظر في النقض

أمن الدولة تعرقل إجراءات الطعن بالنقض في قضية كريم عامر

القاهرة في 15 فبراير 2009

أعربت الشبكة العربية لمعلومات حقوق الإنسان اليوم عن أسفها وانزعاجها الشديد من جراء قيام مباحث أمن الدولة بالضغط على إدارة جامعة الأزهر لمنعها من استخراج شهادة بفصل كريم عامر من كلية الشريعة والقانون ، وهي شهادة طلبتها محكمة النقض لتحديد جلسة لنظر الطعن بالنقض على حكم السجن الصادر ضد كريم عامر لأربعة أعوام.

وكانت روضة أحمد محامية كريم عامر و مديرة وحدة الدعم القانوني لحرية التعبير بالشبكة العربية قد توجهت لكلية الشريعة والقانون بجامعة الأزهر في دمنهور بمحافظة البحيرة ، للحصول على شهادة بفصل كريم عامر من الجامعة ، لتقديمها لمحكمة النقض ، وحينما علم حرس الجامعة بوجود محامية حقوقية وأنها محامية كريم عامر ، قام بإبلاغ أمن الدولة بوجودها ، فما كان من مباحث أمن الدولة إلا أن أمرت شئون الطلاب بعدم استخراج أي أوراق خاصة بكريم.

ورغم محاولة محامية الشبكة العربية تنبيه إدارة الجامعة أن هذا الرفض غير قانوني وسفرها عدة مرات لتكرار المحاولة إلا أن إدارة الجامعة أصرت على الرفض تنفيذا لتعليمات أمن الدولة ، التي فيما يبدو تعلو على القانون في مصر.

لذلك فقد قامت وحدة الدعم القانوني لحرية التعبير بالشبكة العربية بعمل إشكال في محكمة الإسكندرية ، لوقف تنفيذ الحكم بحبس كريم عامر لحين صدور قرار محكمة النقض في القضية ، خاصة وأن الجريمة المنسوبة لكريم عامر سواء بزعم إساءته للدين الإسلامي أو لرئيس الجمهورية فهي في نهاية الأمر جريمة تعبير وأنه قد أمضى أكثر من عامين في السجن ، وليس من العادل أن ينظر في النقض بعد انتهاء مدة العقوبة ، فضلا عن أن الحكم بسجن طالب لعدة سنوات بسبب كتابة بعض المقالات ليس هو الحل الأمثل في مثل هذه القضايا. وقد تحدد لنظر الإشكال غدا الاثنين 16 فبراير.

وترى الشبكة العربية لمعلومات حقوق الإنسان أن التدخل السافر لمباحث أمن الدولة في هذه القضية وعرقلتها الغير قانونية لإجراءات الطعن بالنقض يكشف بوضوح عن كذب التصريحات التي مازال وزير الخارجية يدلي بها حول عدالة المحاكمة التي أجريت لكريم وأن الحكومة المصرية لم تتدخل أو تضغط لسجنه ، إلا إذا كان وزير الخارجية يرى أن مباحث أمن الدولة تتبع حكومة دولة أخرى.

مزيد من المعلومات حول قضية كريم عامر:
بالعربية :
http://www.anhri.net/lit/07/pr0117.shtml

بالانجليزية : http://www.anhri.net/en/focus/2007/pr0117.shtml


Continue reading

الثورة المصرية قادمة

15 Feb 2009, written by Continue reading

دعوى تتهم محافظ القاهرة بأسلمة الشوارع بعد حذف أسمائها المسيحية

15 Feb 2009, written by

قال د.نجيب جبرائيل مستشار البابا شنودة الثالث بطريرك الأقباط الآرثوذوكس بمصر أنه أقام دعوى قضائية ضد محافظ القاهرة د. عبد العظيم وزير اعتراضا على تغيير أسماء الميادين والشوارع بالقاهرة الكبرى من الأسماء المسيحية التاريخية إلى أسماء إسلامية دون مبرر قانوني أو تاريخي لتسمية هذه الأسماء .

وأكد مستشار البابا لـ”العربية. نت” : “أن المحافظ غير اسم ميدان” فيكتوريا ” فى حي شبرا مصر أقدم الأحياء القاهرية إلى ميدان “نصر الإسلام ” نسبة إلى جمعية سلفية تقدم خدمات اجتماعية فى المنطقة تحمل نفس الاسم ووضع لافتة كبيرة تحمل الاسم الجديد وكذلك تغيير اسم شارع طوسون بنفس الحي إلى اسم محمد ابن الفضل الله العامري.وأكد جبرائيل على”أن المحافظ بهذه القرارات يحاول أسلمة أحياء القاهرة ً، مُعتبراً أن هذه القرارات غير مقبولة بالمرة وتثير غضب الأقباط ، وتبرهن على أن هناك خطوات مؤسسية مُمنهجة من قبل الحكومة المصرية لأسلمة مصر”.،وأشار ” نحن لا نعترض على الأسماء الإسلامية وهذه الدعوى ضد المحافظ ليست تعصبا للمسيحية بقدر ما هي تعصبا لتاريخ هذه المنطقة”.وأكد جبرائيل للعربية نت ” إن هناك لجنة فى محافظة القاهرة متخصصة فى تسمية الشوارع والميادين يرأسها المحفظ نفسه وتضم فى عضويتها أساتذة جامعات فى التاريخ والجغرافيا فهل اخترقت السلفية هذه اللجنة العلمية ؟ مجرد تساؤل فقط “.وشَدّد جبرائيل “على أن رفعه لهذه القضية ليس كُرهاً في الإسلام، ولكن حفاظاً على الإرث التاريخي والحضاري لمصر واحتراماً للتعددية”.واتفق القمص صليب متى ساو يرس وكيل المجلس الملي العام للأقباط الآرثوذوكس مع نجيب جبرائيل وقال للعربية نت ” نحن نحترم الدين الاسلامى ولا نرضى مثلا إن تغير أسماء ميادين إسلامية شهيرة مثل ” حي السيدة زينب أو منطقة عمرو بن العاص إلى أسماء قديسين مسيحيين فهذا منطق ومبدأ المواطنة الذي أكده الدستور المصري وبناء عليه لا نرضى أن تغير أسماء ميادين تاريخية مثل ميدان فيكتوريا إلى أي اسم آخر حتى لو تم استبداله باسم مسيحي أيضا فمن المعروف أن ميدان فيكتوريا سمى بهذا الاسم منذ 500 عام نسبة إلى سيدة كانت تقيم به وهى التي قسمت هذا الحي العريق “.

من جانبه قال مصطفى خليل المتحدث الاعلامى باسم محافظة القاهرة للعربية نت ” لقد جاءتنا استفسارات عديدة عن هذه القضية ولم تتخذ المحافظة قرارا بتغيير اسم الميادين أو الشوارع ذات الطابع التاريخي خاصة ميدان فيكتوريا “.وردا على اتهامات مستشار البابا بشأن اختراق السلفيين للمحافظة أكد مصطفى خليل ” هذا الأمر غير صحيح فاللجنة التي تعمل على تغيير الأسماء تستند إلى أسس تاريخية وعلمية وجغرافية وإذا غيرت اسما لأي حي فهذا يرجع إلى أن الاسم القديم ليس له معنى بعد الرجوع إلى خلفيته التاريخية أولا وفى محافظة القاهرة نحو 28 حيا بها أسماء لشوارع قد تكون متكررة ومضحكة فى بعض الأحيان فى هذه الحالات فقط يتم تغيير الأسماء “.وأكد ” أما بالنسبة لميدان فيكتوريا فسوف تزيل المحافظة اللافتة التي وضعت قريبا “.وقال د محمد المختار المهدي رئيس الجمعية الشرعية بالقاهرة للعربية نت ” أن مجمع نصر الإسلام الخيري فى ميدان فيكتوريا والذي سمى الحي باسمه يتبع شخص انشق عن الجمعية وله تصرفات مريبة ولهذا تم فصله من الجمعية رغم أن المباني والمسجد أنشأتهما الجمعية الشرعية من خلال نشاطها الاجتماعي المعروف لدى أجهزة الدولة ونحن غير مسئولين عن أي شيء يفعله رئيس مجمع نصر الإسلام “.وأكد الشيخ عزت رئيس مجمع نصر الإسلام للعربية نت ” أن أي نشاط تقوم به الجمعية يخضع لرقابة الأجهزة الأمنية ووزارة الشئون الاجتماعية ولا يهم بعد ذلك رأى أحد مهما كانت صفته ورفض الشيخ عزت التعليق على لافتة الميدان “

العربية نت


Continue reading

history of wahabia and salafya

15 Feb 2009, written by

Since the earliest civilisations, the Arabian peninsula has been the home of nomadic
pastoralists who used the camel, domesticated in about 1000 BCE, to travel from oasis to oasis in the search for pasture and water for their flocks. Over the centuries, these pastoralists traversed vast distances to trade between ancient empires, and by the 7th century CE, they established great merchant town of Mecca.
Before the advent of Islam, the Bedouin traders chief obligation was to their tribe and not wider society, with disputes between clans, tribes and merchants often degenerating into bloody feuds.
Islam, founded in 622CE, supplanted the anarchy of tribal rule with a single code of laws based on universal obligations of moral and social behaviour. In the centuries following founding of the religion, Muslim rulers built empires that were to stretch from China in the east to Spain in the west. Muslim cities became world centres of great learning, where artisans, merchants and traders could live free from the arbitrary laws of the old societies.
The rise of the Muslim empires created new centres of Islam with their capitals in Baghdad, Cairo, Damascus and Granada. Mecca was to remain the spiritual home of the religion, but over time the Arabian Peninsula would slip into isolation.
The hajj pilgrimage, however, remained a point of contact with the global Muslim community. Over the centuries, waves of pilgrims brought with them many variants of Islam, often fused with pre-Islamic cultures and practices. Islam itself developed distinct schools of interpretations and, after a bloody struggle for succession, the religion split into two branches, the Sunni and the Shia. A mystical branch of the religion, known as Sufism, also gained many adherents.
In the 1740s, a religious reformer from the Najd, Sheikh Muhammad ibn Wahab (1703-91), began to denounce religious practices he considered contravened the true teachings of Islam. Ibn Wahab preached that Muslims had to return to the founding principles of the religion, and adopt the simple lifestyle of the ‘noble ancestors’, known as the Salaf.
Central to Ibn Wahab’s message was that the Tawhid, the union with god, could only be achieved by the strict acceptance of the teachings of the Koran, the Muslim holy book. The religious establishment and the Shia, who Ibn Wahab denounced as apostates, shunned this new reform movement.
Persecuted, ibn Wahab sought refuge in the oasis of Diriyya in the Najd, a province nominally under the control of the Ottoman Empire (now part of central Suadi Arabia). Ibn Wahab found a willing convert in Muhammad Ibd Saud, the ruler of Diriyya. The two men forged an alliance that would combine zealots and tribesmen into a powerful military and ideological force. Ibn Saud, his son and grandson, used the sword to spread Wahabism, and their rule, across the Arabian Peninsula.
After ibn Wahab’s death in 1792, the chiefs of the al-Sauds assumed the title of Wahabi imams—political and religious figures whose rule had religious authority. The descendents of Ibn Saud and Ibn Wahab—know as the al-Sheikhs—would dominate the religious and civil authorities of future Saudi kingdoms.
Between 1744 and 1818, the Sauds conquered the Najd, seized the holy city of Mecca, and founded their first kingdom. Ibn Saud’s great camel army reached as far as the Shia holy city of Kaballa in southern Iraq, where they sacked the tomb of the Imam Hussein, the founder of the Shia branch of Islam. Meanwhile Wahabi privateers raided the merchant ships of non-believers along the Trucial Coast until the British Navy halted their activities.
The raid on Karballa and the capture of Mecca shocked the Ottoman Sultan, while the growing influence of Wahabism threatened the religious authority of the empire. Enraged by the actions of these desert raiders, the Sultan called on Muhammad Ali, the ruler of Egypt, to crush the Wahabis and their allies. In 1819, Muhammad Ali marched his army on Dirriya and defeated the Bedouin tribes. The Saudi chief was taken in chains to the Ottoman capital and executed.
In 1824, Turki ibn Abdullah, a descendent on Ibn Saud, raised a new Bedouin army and drove the Egyptians out of the Najd. The second kingdom flourished under Turki until he was assassinated by his cousin in 1834. His murder ushered in an era of internecine fighting until Turki’s son Faisal restored their power in 1843.
Faisal ruled the Najd until his death in 1865, but his kingdom did not survive him. A rival Najdi clan, the al-Rachids, allied itself with the Ottoman Empire to depose the al-Sauds. Faisal’s heir, Abl al-Rahman, attempted to regain power in 1891, but his uprising was crushed and he fled to Kuwait.
Abd al-Rahman never realised his dream to rule the Najd, but in 1902 his 20-year-old son, Ibn Aziz al Saud (known in the West as Ibn Saud) set out with a band of 70 men for Riyadh, and according to official Saudi history, scaled the walls of the capital, ambushed the governor and declared himself the ruler of the Emirate of Najd.
In 1905, the young Ibn Saud forged an alliance with Britain, a powerful ally against the Ottoman Empire. Over the next 20 years he build a formidable army of 50,000 Wahabi warriors, known as the Ikhwan, a force to match that of his ancestor Mohammad Ibn Saud. With his army, Ibn Saud conquered province after province of the Arabian Peninsula.
In 1916, at the height of the First World War, the British-backed ruler of the Hijaz, the Hashmite Sherif Hussein, led a revolt against the Ottoman Empire. When the Ottoman Empire collapsed in 1924, the Sherif Hussein declared himself the Caliph of Islam, a move that incensed Ibn Saud and his Wahabi warriors.
Ibn Saud launched his army on the Hijaz, and after a series of bloody battles captured Mecca, Madina, and al-Taif. The Ikhwan now had control of the holy cities, and set about destroying all manifestations of Islam that did not adhere to the doctrine of Tawhid. In January 1926, the last stronghold of the Hashemites, the port city of Jeddah, fell to Ibn Saud.
The capture of Jeddah marked the end of the era of conquest, and in agreement with Britain, Ibn Saud began to mark out the borders of his new kingdom. When Ibn Saud declared himself the ruler of the Kingdom of Hijaz and the Sultanate of Najd in the great mosque in Mecca, he laid the foundations of modern Saudi Arabia. In September 1932, the king renamed the country the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
Power in the new kingdom rested on two pillars, the House of Saud and the Ulema, a religious body with authority over all aspects of social and legal life. The Ulema would colonise the ranks of lawyers, judges and civil service, and although they were free to dispense law according to the Wahabi principles, they had little influence over the kingdom’s economic and foreign policies.
The rise of the third kingdom drew little interest from the outside world until the discovery of oil in 1933. This oil would elevate Saudi Arabia from one of the poorest countries in the Middle East into the world’s largest producer of oil. This transformation was to place a strain on the founding principles of the kingdom and the alliance that brought it to power. Oil wealth, however, would also allow the Wahabi doctrine to spread across the Muslim world.
The Ikhwan Movement
The Ikhwan (Brethren) were the supporters of Ibn Saud and followers of Wahabism. They established communities, which also served as military garrisons, where they could put into practice the principles of Salaf, the simple lifestyle of the first convert of Islam.
Ibn Saud supplied the communities with seeds, tools, money and weapons. By 1915, there were more than 200 settlements of 60,000 men ready to heed Ibn Saud’s call for holy war.
The Ikhwan became the dedicated striking arm of the young king. In 1921, the Ikhwan defeated the Saud’s traditional rivals the al-Rachids. Other expeditions succeeded in conquering the Asir and the Eastern Region.
The Ikhwan, however were known for their lack of discipline. Often they would raid British protectorates in defiance of Ibn Saud’s orders. One such raid on Transjordan, now the Kingdom of Jordan, was met by a devastating counterattack by the British army.
By 1927 Ibn Saud was finding it difficult to control his unruly army, and their continued raids compromised his alliance with Britain. Tensions finally spilled over into open revolt when Ibn Saud introduced the telegraph into his territories. The Ikhwan denounced the new invention as a work of the devil and rose in revolt.
With the help of the British, Ibn Saud crushed the rebellion. In 1930 the survivors were offered posts in a new military body, the White Army, that swore loyalty to the king.

source :/shemale blog


Continue reading

Tabula Gaza Relaunched

14 Feb 2009, written by

philip risk  write again at his blog (Tabula Gaza ) and the last post name is Release

Release

February 14, 2009 by tabulagaza

Today is the fourth day of freedom after my four day imprisonment. Every once in a while I am hit by the incomprehensible contrast between absolute freedom and absolute confinement. During those four long days I didn’t do much else but be interrogated, sleep or try to sleep.

 

Philip Rizk,release, February 12 2009

Philip Rizk,release, February 12 2009

Before I go into any other details I want to say shukran, thank you, really. I am overwhelmed by the response of family, friends and strangers all around the world during my imprisonment. As the stories started bombarding me after my release it was hard to take it all in. I have no words to express how grateful I am to so many. At one point one of my interrogators- they called him “Malek”- ended a session by saying, “the next time you will tell me about all these international relationships of yours,” I had no idea what he was referring to. I really believe that the pressure from so many places and people made a big difference in my quick release.

 

Diaa Gad is an Egyptian blogger who was taken the very same day I was. I had spoken to him for the first time a few days before Egyptian “state” security kidnapped both of us from difference places. Diaa had called to ask about details about our march to Gaza. As we knew our phones would be tapped I told him we could not gave any details over the phone and asked for us to meet the following day in person. He never called again but his name came up during interrogation- again with “Malek”- who asked me what I knew about Diaa and then proceeded to tell me word for word what I had said to him on the phone that day. Diaa does not have many of the luxuries that I have being bi-national and having lived abroad. At this point he is still in custody and his lawyer and family do not know his whereabouts. The campaign that was started for me needs to move to him and others. These sorts of actions are completely illegal and yet a common occurrence in Egypt. Currently there are thousands in Egyptian jails without trial. We need to stand up and reject these actions. This brings us back to the start of those four days…

 

I was held for four days- blindfolded, handcuffed almost at all times. The psychological pressure was intense though at no point was I physically harmed. At the time of my arrest I was protesting the siege on Gaza. This is a criticism aimed primarily at Israel but also at other countries that support this siege including Egypt which keeps its borders sealed except for rare exceptions. My four days of imprisonment are nothing compared to the months and years of siege on Gaza, which is nothing else than forced imprisonment. The Gaza Strip is a different form of concentration camp. No Palestinian- whether students, the sick, businessmen and women- can travel beyond its borders and Israel permits only a very very few internationals to enter. These- mainly journalists and NGO workers like I used to be- remind me of zoo visitors that take pictures and talk about the terrible conditions of the animals in their cages but then leave, in the meantime Gaza remains the same. According to the UN 85% of Gazans are reliant on food aid, again like animals in a zoo they are fed and kept alive, but barely. Leaked reports from the Red Cross recently reported high percentages of malnutrition of children especially in the refugee camps- 70% of Gazans are refugees from 1948. The purpose of our protest march was and continues to be to raise awareness of the ongoing siege on Gaza building on the momentum of protest during the Israeli military onslaught on Gaza at the start of this year.

 

Your outrage about my unjustified imprisonment mirrors my outrage about this ongoing injustice done to the Palestinian people. If our governments and representatives the world over will not change the status quo we- the multitude- must mobilize, on the streets, on the web, in government, in schools, anywhere to call for change. Such an outrage changed South Africa not that long ago and it can change the injustice carried out against Palestinians today.

 

Email us your ideas and actions here: href="http://egytimesdotorg/wp-admin/infoattogazadotnet" target="_blank">infoattogazadotnet

Follow up with us here: togaza.net

Read on here: electronicintifada.net and here: Tabulagaza.wordpress.com


My film “This Palestinian Life” about non-violent resistance in Palestinian villages will be screening in various locations around the world. The site will be up in a weeks time at: www.thispalestinianlife.org

(my interrogators stole all my old email addresses and blogs, my domain name (tabulagaza.com) will link to a new blog (tabulagaza.wordpress.com) and contact me on facebook for my new email address.)


Continue reading
http://egytimes.org/wp-content/themes/platform